Nock was witnessing the Democrats' "New Deal" power grab during Roosevelt's presidency.
Part of the world bankers' plan was to bankrupt the States and the other Western countries. In a bankruptcy, you are beholden to the demands of the trustee. Our republic and sovereignty were destroyed through a series of deceits commencing even before the ratification of the Constitution. The Constitution itself was a bankruptcy compact. The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments were both ramrodded through fraudulently, and are void - except for the fact that we have capitulated and gone along with them. The Matrix movie was an exquisite metaphor for our current condition.
In the Mormon temple ceremony, we are taught that Satan will buy up armies and navies and rule with blood and horror on the earth. Throughout history, the traditional model has one nation attacking and plundering another, raping its women and confiscating its resources. The American military cannot operate - - - - without money it borrows from the banker trustee. If the bank wants a war, we have a war. Today, all nations are conquered. we are ALL in bondage. Remember, however, that when you are in prison, throwing your food in the jailer's face is not a good idea.
This is a Telestial (i.e. fallen) world. By being in it, you and I are corrupt. We are strangers in a strange land. This is not our home. The banks use you as collateral as soon as you are born. Look in the bottom right hand corner of your children's Certificate of Live Birth. There is a nine-digit number (not your SSN). This is your serial number.
What I find most fascinating is the realization that in the Mormon model of ascension to godhood, those of us who attain that station will form worlds just like this one. We will establish three races. Some of our cunning, miscegenated offspring will find precious metals and lend against them to unwitting families and nations. They will create fractional reserve banking and hand out worthless paper certificates as a substitute for real currency. They will lend and foreclose, lend and foreclose until the entire world is bankrupt and enslaved. This is what has been being done on worlds throughout the universe for billions of years. This is the proving ground. This is where you show your inclinations and true colors. This is where we find out if you belong with the wheat or the tares. If what I am saying resonates with you, then read also - -
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I
IF WE look beneath the surface of our public
affairs, we can discern one fundamental fact, namely: a great
redistribution of power between society and the State. This is the fact
that interests the student of civilization. He has only a secondary or
derived interest in matters like price-fixing, wage-fixing, inflation, political banking, "agricultural adjustment,"
and similar items of State policy that fill the pages of newspapers and
the mouths of publicists and politicians. All these can be run up under
one head. They have an immediate and temporary importance, and for this
reason they monopolize public attention, but they all come to the same
thing; which is, an increase of State power and a corresponding decrease of social power.
It is unfortunately none too well understood that, just as the State has no money of its own, so it has no power of its own. All
the power it has is what society gives it, plus what it confiscates
from time to time on one pretext or another; there is no other source
from which State power can be drawn. Therefore every assumption of State power, whether by gift or seizure, leaves society with so much less power. There
is never, nor can there be, any strengthening of State power without a
corresponding and roughly equivalent depletion of social power.
Moreover, it follows that with any exercise of State power, not only the
exercise of social power in the same direction, but the disposition to
exercise it in that direction, tends to dwindle. Mayor Gaynor astonished
the whole of New York when he pointed out to a correspondent who had
been complaining about the inefficiency of the police, that any citizen
has the right to arrest a malefactor and bring him before a magistrate. "The law of England and of this country," he wrote, "has been very careful to confer no more right in that respect upon policemen and constables than it confers on every citizen."
State exercise of that right through a police force had gone on so
steadily that not only were citizens indisposed to exercise it, but
probably not one in ten thousand knew he had it.
Heretofore in this country sudden crises of misfortune have been met by a
mobilization of social power. In fact (except for certain institutional
enterprises like the home for the aged, the lunatic-asylum,
city-hospital and county-poorhouse) destitution, unemployment, "depression"and
similar ills, have been no concern of the State, but have been relieved
by the application of social power. Under Mr. Roosevelt, however, the
State assumed this function, publicly announcing the doctrine, brand-new
in our history, that the State owes its citizens a living. Students of
politics, of course, saw in this merely an astute proposal for a
prodigious enhancement of State power; merely what, as long ago as 1794,
James Madison called "the old trick of turning every contingency into a resource for accumulating force in the government";
and the passage of time has proved that they were right. The effect of
this upon the balance between State power and social power is clear, and
also its effect of a general indoctrination with the idea that an
exercise of social power upon such matters is no longer called for.
It is largely in this way that the progressive conversion of social
power into State power becomes acceptable and gets itself accepted. When the Johnstown flood occurred, social power was immediately
mobilized and applied with intelligence and vigour. Its abundance,
measured by money alone, was so great that when everything was finally
put in order, something like a million dollars remained. If such a
catastrophe happened now, not only is social power perhaps too depleted
for the like exercise, but the general instinct would be to let the
State see to it. Not only has social power atrophied to that extent, but
the disposition to exercise it in that particular direction has
atrophied with it. If the State has made such matters its business, and
has confiscated the social power necessary to deal with them, why, let
it deal with them. We can get some kind of rough measure of this general
atrophy by our own disposition when approached by a beggar. Two years
ago we might have been moved to give him something; today we are moved
to refer him to the State's relief-agency. The State has said to
society, You are either not exercising enough power to meet the
emergency, or are exercising it in what I think is an incompetent way,
so I shall confiscate your power, and exercise it to suit myself. Hence
when a beggar asks us for a quarter, our instinct is to say that the
State has already confiscated our quarter for his benefit, and he should
go to the State about it.
